Q: You know that there has been and still is a very heated
discussion about the Air Base action and the shooting of GI Pimental [1]. Most important, you gave the cops
an opportunity to construct
their propaganda against the action.
A: It was certainly a mistake not to send the second
communiqué and the ID card together. We presumed that those who
understood the action would make the connection.
Q: Why did you send the ID card at all?
A: A funny question, really. As if it was a private war between
the RAF and Pimental.
Q: But still, it was a new kind of step, which you have not
explained.
A. This step was determined by the altered national and
international conditions. Besides striking the target, the attacks
against the Headquarters in Heidelberg, in Frankfurt, and the attacks
against Haig, Rammstein and Kroesen
[2] also essentially had the function
of
creating political consciousness about the military functioning of US
imperialism
and, thus, about the struggle against it. This is the basis, created by
the
anti-imperialist struggle, from which we continue to struggle. This
step
forward, the escalation that corresponds to the imperialist escalation,
is
to extend the attack against the depth and ramifications of the
politico-military position established here by US power. If they seek
to perfect their strategic coordinating capacity in order to be able to
turn the machinery of isolation loose, or, with their superior
strength, to be able to smash anything that resists their control, then
their confidence in the military machine functioning as smoothly as
they want it to when they need it must be undermined. Every attack
against the position of US power is also an attack against the basis of
the FRG [3] state, because it can
only realize its own aspirations for political power with the support
of the US military. This determines the line of attack, which is the
central issue for
the anti-imperialist struggle here.
Q: "It is based on a practical understanding of the
international class war, with a perspective for the development of the
revolutionary process in the West European metropole" is what you say
in your communiqué. What exactly is meant by that?
A: It is a practical conception of the direct correlation
between the development of the revolution here and in its international
dimension, the international class war. We are talking about an
awareness that for revolutionary politics the process must be oriented
towards this correlation, because there is no objective for us except
smashing and radically altering the imperialist system by international
class war. For many people, this was evident as never before as a
result of the experiences of last winter [4]
and the current situation; El Salvador, Lebanon, the struggles
in the Philippines and in South Africa.
With this action, we wanted to clearly point out what is conceptually
important here and now; TO BRING THE RESISTANCE UP TO THE LEVEL OF THE
INTENSITY OF THE EXISTING SITUATION.
Simultaneously, the liberation movements are confronted with the bloody
offensive of US imperialism worldwide. Against this strategy, a
revolutionary
strategy has developed in the form of an escalation of the
political-military
attack against the war machine and all who are militarily involved in
this
war. The revolutionary resistance, with all of its initiatives,
campaigns
and attacks, must strengthen and extend its political and military
capacity
to act on the front line. So, our response in the aftermath of the
action
was entirely different than that of others; we regret the discrepancy
between our means and the extent of the imperialist destruction and
genocide.
Q: What do you mean by "all who are involved in this war?"
A: Concerning the Air Base, it is quite clear. The soldiers keep
the machines, computers and weapons for intervention operational. Some
of
them fly to the Mediterranean region and to the Middle East. These
facts
are known. Is it the case that these soldiers, simply because they are
in
Frankfurt, should not be considered to be directly at
war,
should have their "peaceful rest areas" here? A Commandante from the
FMLN
[5] said, "THIS CANNOT BE!" Exactly.
Q: Do you think they are aware of these facts? Most of them
believe that if they just do their jobs, everything will be fine.
A: But that is impossible. Those that do "their job" in El
Salvador might tell you that they are there to keep the Russians out of
Central and South America. They certainly don't think much beyond that.
That is the mercenary mentality of killers. That's why we have been
talking about Vietnam, Lebanon, Grenada, the Air-Land Battle Doctrine [6], etc. Today, it is impossible to
voluntarily join an army that is at war publicly or secretly, as
everybody knows, that aims at the objective of military victory with
all its strategic preparations, and to believe that “one will be
spared, have an easy job, etc;” the entire situation has moved far
beyond that. Everybody must realize this. And it is an experience drawn
from all other wars of liberation; the enemy soldiers only understand
this as a result of actions of the revolutionary guerrilla. There is no
other way. Rogers [7] has already
said that the worst result of the actions against the US Army in West
Europe is the loss of morale amongst the soldiers.
Q: But there is still a difference between the two deaths on
the Air Base and the GI. The basis for the action, as you have
presented it, doesn't
explain the case of the GI. Isn't this a contradiction?
A: No, basically, the relationship between us and them is war.
We needed his card, otherwise we could not have carried out the attack.
Of course, we wouldn't say that we should now shoot every GI who comes
around the corner - or that other comrades should do so. One can gain
clarity by considering the actual situation, the political-practical
determination of the attack; i.e., it is a tactical question.
The fact is that there are certain realities that keep the US
government from intervening in Nicaragua[8].
One of
them is an expected widening and escalation of the struggles in the
whole region, which the Sandanistas, the FMLN, as well as the
guerrillas in Guatemala, have clearly announced. And the other one is
that they have to anticipate growing contradictions in the metropoles,
above all, being confronted by intensifying
resistance and attacks. They are not at all sure whether they can hold
up
against it. This is materially what we refer to when we talk about the
increasing
the synchronization of the struggles and their combined impact, which
at
the moment is already being objectively achieved.
Within all liberation struggles, the consciousness tends to develop
that there is no other strategy than the development of the
international revolutionary front, the wearing down of the imperialist
mega-system by the process of world
revolution. We perceive this very directly; it is the movement of
international class war. And that is what "incredible dimensions" [9] means; to place oneself, on the
basis of one's own situation, within this war, as part of the
struggling force, and, thus, to understand oneself within the context
of this war. Much of the criticism and uncertainty at this time is an
expression of a distance from the reality of the war.
Q: In your statement, you say that "an organization of the
oppressed of the world" hijacked the TWA jetliner[10]. What else do you know about the struggles in
Lebanon?
A: Nothing for certain beyond the fact that these are
anti-imperialist struggles that have an important role to play in
frustrating imperialist plans
for world supremacy and for fragmenting imperialism’s power. There are
striking
differences as far as the Shiite movements are concerned. For example,
Berri
and parts of the Amal militia[11]
conducted
massacres in the Palestinian camps. Berri's politics are integrated
into
imperialist plans for the "pacification of Lebanon," and the
liquidation
of the armed Palestinian struggle is a condition for that. Others are
fighting
Zionism and imperialism jointly with Lebanese and Palestinian
resistance
groups. The hijackers said that they don't belong to any of the
organizations
that were held responsible by the media; the Islamic Jihad, Amal, and
Hizbollah
[12]. The action and the
accompanying
demands were politically correct and forceful. They have frustrated
imperialist
plans in Lebanon, dragged US imperialism and Israel into the center of
the
confrontation, and shown that "US imperialism is a strategic paper
tiger."
It is a victory for the anti-imperialist struggle that the prisoners
were
released, that they could not risk a military solution.
Clearly, the ideas that form the basis for the Islamic fundamentalist
movements have little in common with our politics. However, one must
realize the objective impact of their struggle. Besides this is a
matter for the Arab revolutionary movement. What’s the use of judging
from here?
There is something else we want to say; in many leaflets comrades talk
about an ''integration of the RAF and Action Directe." This conveys
something like an "organizational-logistical" integration that does not
exist. Furthermore, there is no imposed European central command
deciding upon directives or lines
of action. We reject this and it is politically impossible. The West
European
guerrilla front can only exist as a real process. The discussion aims
at
a joint conception of the situation in the West European metropoles and
its
international significance, with the goal of political-strategic unity.
And,
of course, whenever it is possible, joint practice. That is the goal,
and
all discussions are concrete and practical from the beginning. Action
Directe
and ourselves proceed from the perspective of the revolutionary process
in
West Europe, the necessity and the possibility of organizing and
influencing
the process of revolutionary upheaval here, in the context of
international
class war, is an authentic process resulting from the situation in the
West
European metropoles. Every group develops their concrete understanding
of
political-military action from their own process, their own conditions,
and
their integration in the resistance movement in their own country.
Q:But there exists some rather large political and
practical differences between the guerrilla groups.
A: We don't use ideology to trip each other up. Whenever a
discussion is desired, it is, of course, possible, if it is directed
towards the goal; otherwise it is pointless. Ideological differences
are of no importance as long as they don't turn into political ones.
Looking at the enormous possibilities for the revolutionary process in
the West European metropoles, which has as
its driving force and basis, the communist guerrilla groups, we
conclude that
the differences and the particular conditions have no weight. The
identity of goals overcomes the differences in the context the struggle.
Footnotes
N.B. All footnotes in this document were
added by the translator and editor. None are originally from the RAF.
[1] On August 8, 1985, the RAF and the French
anti-imperialist guerilla group Action Directe claimed responsibility
for a car bomb attack on Rhein-Main Air Base in Frankfurt, West Germany
(the communiqué can be read here).
Two people were killed. On August 25, the RAF claimed responsibility
for the shooting of Edward Pimental, an American soldier whose ID was
used to gain access to
the Air Base (this statement can be read here).
Pimental's ID was originally sent to the media with a single piece of
paper bearing the RAF and Action Directe symbols. Much
controversy within the West German Left followed this action. [return to text]
[3] FRG - Federal Republic of Germany,
West Germany. [return to text]
[4] “Last winter” refers to the December 84 -
January 85 hunger strike by political prisoners. This hunger strike
provoked several hundred solidarity actions, and was generally seen as
a leap forward towards the anti-imperialist front in West Germany. [return to text]
[5] FMLN - Frente Farabundo Marti por Libertad
Nacional, El Salvadorean guerilla front. [return to
text]
[6] Air-Land Battle Doctrine was adopted by the
US military in 1982. It is based on the use of aggressive air attacks
deep inside enemy territory, moving the site of destruction away from
the frontlines themselves.
While ostensibly developed in preparation for conflict with the Warsaw
Pact
countries, this doctrine has obvious consequences for people living in
the
Third World, especially non-combatants whose cities, villages and
infrastructure
are all potential military targets. [return to text]
[7] General Bernard W. Rogers was Commander-in-Chief
of NATO when this interview was conducted. [return to text]
[8] Nicaragua – In 1979 a popular revolution in
Nicaragua brought the left-wing Frente Sandinista de
Liberación Nacional (or Sandinistas) to power, forcing the
US-backed dictador Anastasio Somoza to flee to Miami. Under the Reagan
regime (1981-1989), the United States worked
hard to destabilize the Sandinista regime (and this was one of the
factors
behind its defeat in 1990), arming and supplying right-wing mercenary
armies,
mining the harbour of Managua, and carrying out various covert
operations. Nevertheless, the US never dared to directly invade the
country. [return to text]
[9] Reference to the quote at the end of the
communiqué claiming responsibility for the August 8, 1985 action
in Frankfurt. The quote read: "Never shrink from the incredible
dimensions of your goals!" [return to text]
[10] In June 1985, a Palestinian Commando
hijacked a TWA jetliner, demanding the liberation of Palestinian
prisoners held in the Middle East and West Europe, an end to Zionist
attempts to set up a "security zone" in South Lebanon, an end to
Zionist support for the South Lebanese Army,
as well as calling for broad popular support for the liberation of
Palestine. [return to text]
[11] Nabih Berri founded the Amal Militia in
Lebanon. [return to text]
[12] Different Shiite guerrilla groups,
representing diverse Islamic tendencies. [return to text]
